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![]() I lived in South Africa during apartheid. Don't get me started about police brutality. If we had cameras on us as often then as we do now, you bet the National Party would have made taking a photograph while black a schedule one offense. The police arrested me for trespass (possession of long hair) when I was sixteen. They put me in the back of a van with sharp metal edges, then drove over a set of speedbumps at great speed. Said they would f~@# me up. Asked if I smoke dope with my kaffir buddies, then whipped my feetsoles with a cane till they were so swollen I could not wear shoes. This happened on the day the Berlin wall fell. My friend Michael Fitzgerald was arrested for marijuana possession in 1990. The police burned his palms with cigarettes for no reason except they were bored. There was no interrogation or confrontation. He was seventeen. I saw three policemen slam a black boys legs in the door of a van seven or eight times, breaking bones. He had run from them. Now English police are wonderful on the whole. I used to sleep in police stations while I was hitchhiking through Europe in 1993. I heard some pretty chilling accounts in Bristol and Brixton of police misconduct. (The only time I was arrested in the U.K was for sabotaging the fox hunt, and the police gave us huddling protesters a thermos of hot sugary tea for the back of the black maria. A policewoman said "Bad luck lads. Foxes don't vote.") The french Gendarmes emptied my backpack onto the ground on the road from Belgium into France, and walked on my clothes and books, trampling them. They assumed I was a dope smuggler because it is a straight shot through to Holland. More supervision of these moments would have been a wonderful thing.
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![]() As soon as this is available through Paizo, I will buy it. I hope that the next Pathfinder terrain that Worldworks makes is more frequent. I want to use this extensively through each AP. One or two maps per AP is not enough for my tastes. Bring on the sexy, sexy, Asmodean Knot. Look upon the Nightshade theatre and despair. Chase through the sewers is easy though. ![]()
![]() Good evening, my fellow Americans. First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening. Three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. This evening, I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen. Like every other -- Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all. Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together. We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts, America is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment. Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad. Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. Unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment. Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel. But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress. Lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their Government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. Of these, I mention two only. A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. Our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of World War II or Korea. Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all United States cooperations -- corporations. Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. So is the very structure of our society. In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together. Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government. Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded. Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite. It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society. Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow. During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many fast frustrations -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of disarmament -- of the battlefield. Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent, I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight. Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road. So, in this, my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. I trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy. As for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future. You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations' great goals. To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration: We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings. Those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love. Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it. Thank you, and good night ![]()
![]() I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation! IT'S NOT FAIR!! Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, **!!$$@*@! smurfed the Emancipation Proclamation! PLEASE!!! This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been smurfed in the flames of smurfing injustice!! It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one smurfed years later, the Negro still is not free. READ MY LIPS!! One smurfed years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly smurfed by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination!!!!!!! One ~!%&** smurfed years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One smurfed years later, the Negro is still smurfed in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land! PLEASE!!! And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. I mean, %@~!~&@@*!!! In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were !#!*#~@~*@! smurfing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be smurfed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has smurfed on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are smurfed. Instead of ~*!#@!@#* smurfing this smurfed obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back smurfed "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice ![]()
![]() I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation! IT'S NOT FAIR!! Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, **!!$$@*@! smurfed the Emancipation Proclamation! PLEASE!!! This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been smurfed in the flames of smurfing injustice!! It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one smurfed years later, the Negro still is not free. READ MY LIPS!! One smurfed years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly smurfed by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination!!!!!!! One ~!%&** smurfed years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One smurfed years later, the Negro is still smurfed in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land! PLEASE!!! And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. I mean, %@~!~&@@*!!! In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were !#!*#~@~*@! smurfing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be smurfed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has smurfed on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are smurfed. Instead of ~*!#@!@#* smurfing this smurfed obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back smurfed "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice ![]()
![]() I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, smurfed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been smurfed in the flames of smurfing injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one smurfed years later, the Negro still is not free. One smurfed years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly smurfed by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One smurfed years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One smurfed years later, the Negro is still smurfed in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were smurfing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be smurfed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has smurfed on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are smurfed. Instead of smurfing this smurfed obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back smurfed "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice ![]()
![]() I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. ![]()
![]() Ah luv filtErs. Pass the grog! And swab th' deck! Walk the plank! J@bberwocky. Pass th' grog! Tw4s Brillig, 4 n' tHuh slitHy tov3s
"Beware tHuh JAbberwock, I'll warrant ye, mAh so||, to be sure, by Zilchus's goatish scepter, and dinna spare the whip!
H4y tooC his vorpal sworD , aye, by Kostchtchie's hack'd-up spear! SMURF!!! Shiver me timbers!n h4nd:
4 n', aye, as in uphfish thouGht hAy stooD, by Skoraeus Stonebones's uncle,
Wun, tw0, Arrrr! Wu||, aye, two! Fire th' cannons! SMURF!!! An' through @n' through
"An', by Blackbeard's riches, h4s thou sl4in tHuh J4bberwock?
Tw4s Brillig, I'll warrant ye, an' thuh slitHy tov3s
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![]() Ah luv filtErs. Pass the grog! And swab th' deck! Walk the plank! J@bberwocky. Pass th' grog! Tw4s Brillig, 4 n' tHuh slitHy tov3s
"Beware tHuh JAbberwock, I'll warrant ye, mAh so||, to be sure, by Zilchus's goatish scepter, and dinna spare the whip!
H4y tooC his vorpal sworD , aye, by Kostchtchie's hack'd-up spear! Shiver me timbers!n h4nd:
4 n', aye, as in uphfish thouGht hAy stooD, by Skoraeus Stonebones's uncle,
Wun, tw0, Arrrr! Wu||, aye, two! Fire th' cannons! An' through @n' through
"An', by Blackbeard's riches, h4s thou sl4in tHuh J4bberwock?
Tw4s Brillig, I'll warrant ye, an' thuh slitHy tov3s
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![]() Ah luv filtErs. And swab the deck! J@bberwocky. Pass the grog! Tw4s Brillig, 4 n' tHuh slitHy tov3s
"Beware tHuh JAbberwock, I'll warrant ye, mAh so||, by Zilchus's goatish scepter!
H4y tooC his vorpal sworD , by Kostchtchie's hack'd-up spear!n h4nd:
4 n', as in uphfish thouGht hAy stooD,
Wun, tw0! Wu||, two! Fire the cannons! An' through @n' through
"An', h4s thou sl4in tHuh J4bberwock?
Tw4s Brillig, I'll warrant ye, an' thuh slitHy tov3s
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![]() Ah luv filtErs. J@bberwocky. Tw4s Brillig, 4n' tHuh slitHy tov3s
"Beware tHuh JAbberwock, mAh so||!
H4y tooC his vorpal sworD !n h4nd:
4n', as in uphfish thouGht hAy stooD,
Wun, tw0! Wu||, two! An' through @n' through
"An', h4s thou sl4in tHuh J4bberwock?
Tw4s Brillig, an' thuh slitHy tov3s
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![]() Ah luv filters. Jabberwocky. Twas brillig, an' thuh slithy toves
"Beware thuh Jabberwock, mah son!
Hay took his vorpal sword in hand:
An', as in uffish thought hay stood,
Wun, two! Wun, two! An' through an' through
"An', has thou slain thuh Jabberwock?
Twas brillig, an' thuh slithy toves
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![]() I love filters. Jabberwocky. `Twas brillig, and the slithy toves
"Beware the Jabberwock, my son!
He took his vorpal sword in hand:
And, as in uffish thought he stood,
One, two! One, two! And through and through
"And, has thou slain the Jabberwock?
`Twas brillig, and the slithy toves
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